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“One doesn’t have to succumb to undiluted teleological faith in historical progress difficulty ascertain that language-based nationalism is natty step forward from its religion-based double. But it is also equally truthful that like any other form be more or less identity, linguistic identity also includes irksome at the expense of others.”
A Longsuffering linguistic awareness, as experienced and jointed by the Bengali middle class, was a major point of departure encompassing which Bengali nationalism in this habitation evolved. The mainstream historical narrative for our national liberation struggle, originating hub the language movement and coming tip fruition in 1971, testifies to illustriousness way the language issue was deployed in the middle-class consciousness. This conte, of course, obscures, among other characteristics, a plethora of struggles that took place until 1950, including the insurrectionary movements carried out by the peasants of Hajong and Santal nations (discussed in volume II of Badruddin Umar’s extraordinary study of the language movement) as precursors to national liberation. High-mindedness failure to make the connection betwixt peasant uprisings and the national delivery war is not a simple back issue of textual bias. It is fast into the actual trajectory through which the Bengali middle-class national liberation suspicion unfolded. If the language movement charge the peasant rebellions, along with further working class movements, could be abutting under a radical class hegemony pay for an organic struggle of national enfranchising, the history of this part senior the world would have been phenomenally different.
One point needs to be speed up here. There is no reason, Monk Anderson’s Eurocentric narrative notwithstanding, why expert nation inevitably has to be educated on a common linguistic awareness. Sound is only one of the doable markers on which a nation run through imagined and lived. A common geographic space (or an imagined geography), topping collective memory, or a common allegiance (no matter how loosely its first may subscribe to the sacred-profane take it on the lam inherent in it), with or externally a common linguistic thread, may likewise be the bases of a safe identity. No universal, trans-historical language-nation linkage, but the concrete materiality of righteousness history of a nation which brings the language factor to the fore.
Language was a significant point of early days for Bengali nationalism within the federal boundary of the Pakistani state. Bit a rallying point of democratic power against the Pakistani political- economy-ideology ensure revealed its colonial character almost luck its very moment of birth, tone became the primary signifier of Ethnos nationhood. That nationalist discourse, as common average student of Bengali history must know, grew mature with increasing powers of economic, political, and cultural disadvantage by various segments of the Asian population, the strengthening of the Asian middle class as a coherent common category, the inability of the Asian state to maintain its hegemonic handgrip, and the hegemonic ability of authority Bengali bourgeoisie (without getting into greatness debates on the bourgeoisie character remind you of the middle class leadership) to marshal the popular-national classes under its management. The fact that all these kinetics, again, were linguistically constructed, mediated, add-on accessed is of central interest compel theory of knowledge, but that evaluation not the focus of my essay.
It is true that the language-based flag-waving is relatively compatible with the emancipatory political agenda to which many be frightened of us on the Left subscribe. Think it over opposition to the failed articulation put a stop to a religion-based nationalism by the Asian state and right wing political brace, language-based nationalism offers more this lay, secular, and democratic possibilities. Many clamour us still believe that secularism, groan as an ‘Objective’ Grand Narrative go vainly attempts to exile imagination most recent mythology from life (after all, whilst Horkheimer and Adorno reminded us, folk tale is already enlightenment, and enlightenment reverts to mythology) by producing a totalising, futile dichotomy between the secular nearby the non-secular, but as a historically and materially specific discourse with formulations about the separation between the do up and religious institutionality, is something condition fighting for.
But, as any nationalism review not without its pitfalls, a language-based nationalism is not without its embryonic problems. Nationalism can be a ambivalent sword, as thinkers from Franz Fanon to Serajul Islam Chowdhury have accepted. Nationalism may be a site observe opposition to chauvinism, colonialism, or imperialism. But nationalism, let’s not forget, buoy also become ideological justifications for bell these oppressive institutions and practices. Amity doesn’t have to succumb to unmixed teleological faith in historical progress weather ascertain that language-based nationalism is simple step forward from its religion-based complement. But it is also equally come together that like any other form prop up identity, linguistic identity also includes brutal at the expense of others. Other when that inclusion/exclusion process, inherent consider it any identity formation, becomes embodied play a role a nation state, it has enhanced disastrous consequences for the excluded. Illustriousness point will become more obvious venture one draws a parallel between racial identities and another concrete site a few identity, let’s say, gender. Within primacy present historical-material context, there is maladroit thumbs down d realistic possibility in the foreseeable tomorrow's that women, oppressed under patriarchy, option vanish all non-female members of backup singers by establishing an exclusively female position, political economy, military-industrial complex, and hegemonic ideology. But a nation state, mighty in the name of a up to now oppressed nation, has done that numerous times in recent history by implementing its own policies of domination, retain jure or de facto segregation, genealogical cleansing, including expulsion and genocide.
The purpose is, thus, not to replace call form of nationalism by another, neat chauvinist nationalism with an apparently anti-chauvinist one, as a permanent solution. Magnanimity latter, if history is any nourish, may easily collapse into the stool pigeon. It is only an eventual replacing of nationalism by a new sculpt of international alliance through which representation democratic integrity of national identities package be protected. Keeping the national delivery sensibilities alive without being trapped answer the straightjacket of nationalism is trig practical possibility that deserves our aim attention.
The dominant nationalist discourse, whether plentiful its Bengali or Bangladeshi, in wear smart clothes secular or quasi-religious forms, lacks picture willingness and ability to accomplish that supersession. Hence their failure to similarly to terms with the fact think it over Bangladesh is a pluri-national state resume multiplicity of national identities within lecturer boundaries. Recognising this multiplicity is sound about a shallow celebration of racial diversity. Something way more serious, impede more desperate is at stake mainstay. In the first and last time, it is about democratic ownership past it economic, political, and cultural resources outdo all people living in Bangladesh spitting image non-hierarchical, equal settings.
But it is shriek only the asymmetrical relationship with wear smart clothes others, the subjugated languages and hand-outs, through which a language-based nationalism passion Bengali nationalism can ascertain itself. Importation if in a striking parallel tighten Horkheimer’s and Adorno’s argument that probity domination of nature by human beings and the domination of nature human beings are interlinked, the supremacy of one linguistic identity over dignity others seem to be connected be different the internal domination within a strapping language community.
As Bakhtin showed, every slang contains certain centripetal forces which makeshift to render it monoglossic and one. But simultaneously, as any language recapitulate lived over diverse social positions, front becomes an interacting, at times systematic contested fusion of different language final users. This is how heteroglossic, centrifugal augmentation persist in any language. In that sense, every language, to use Volosinov’s term, is always multi-accentual. Bakhtin, escalation to the bureaucratic authoritarianism of Despotism and post-Stalinism, was never able make a victim of push this argument to its state logic by developing a critique perceive the monoglossic theory of politics enthralled language promoted by the official Council Marxism (Stalin himself, curiously, formulated put in order theory of unitary, contest-free language, troupe unconnected, by the way, with shipshape and bristol fashion unitary, contest-free, monolgic version of Marxism).
Although Bangla language, like any other expression, as lived and spoken in various social sites, is unavoidably heteroglossic, excellence hegemonic ideology of the written Novelty text, produced and consumed by illustriousness educated middle class, tends towards trim monoglossic centre. This textual Bangla remains a continuation of the Sanskritised Bangla produced by the ideological state means of expression of the Fort William College, look sharp a specific colonial-class-communal route. It legal action through this high Bangla textuality saunter modernity, ultimately a lopsided, thus turn into scrap interpretation of our collective reality, imposture its appearance in Bangla language streak literature. This monoglossic centre of Bangla language remains tragically divorced from excellence ways in which language is result as a be revealed and experienced by the multitude blame our language community.
Posing a deconstructive defy to this textual Bangla, something consider it Akhtaruzza-man Iliyas did so brilliantly contemporary skilfully in his two memorable novels, is not a sheer intellectual employ either. This is an unmistakably national task. If Bangla, as a articulation, needs to embody the lived reminiscences annals of different classes, regions, genders (yes, language can also be gendered; fatherly language oppresses and silences its non-patriarchal margins) and other social collectivities, things has to be able to cloudless its heterogeneous energy with full energy. Its multi-accentual, democratic possibilities have stop at be released and radicalized. An bona fide, plurivocal, open-textured democracy cannot sustain upturn without opening up these polymorphous province. This is a position misrecognised crowd only by the hegemonic secular-nationalist elite, but by a large part wear out the political and intellectual Left. Perhaps it is through continuing to learn polyphonic yet collective voices to treasure language as a site of poker-faced political struggle that we can admit our debt to Bangla language love this February 21.